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The Environmental and Social Impact of Kaivolution’s Services
submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree
Master of Applied Psychology (Community) at
The University of Waikato by
Food insecurity and food waste are two significant issues within New Zealand. In order to address these two issues organisations like Kaivolution rescue and redistribute food to community groups who help those in need. Kaivolution rescues edible food from food retailers that would otherwise be thrown away, and redistributes this rescued food to community groups who assist whanau who are food insecure. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the social and
environmental impact of Kaivolution’s food redistribution service. Three of Kaivolution’s stakeholders were chosen to participate; Kaivolution volunteers, community groups who receive the rescued food, and whanau who receive the food from the community groups. Semi-structured interviews were used in order to gather data. The key findings showed that for Kaivolution volunteers there was an increase in awareness of social issues like poverty, food insecurity, and homelessness. The findings also showed that the participants volunteering with Kaivolution had increased feelings of belonging, and increased social networks, both contributing to a heightened sense of wellbeing. The key findings from both the community groups and the whanau had significant overlap. Key findings from these participants illustrated how the process of colonisation has negatively impacted Māori who are more prone to food insecurity within Aotearoa. Other groups vulnerable to food insecurity included university students and children from various ethnicities. The findings also highlight the failings of our current social welfare system to provide enough resources for basic living. Community groups often step in to assist food insecure whanau in a culturally and social sensitive community approach to food redistribution. Such an approach promotes a sense of community, builds social relationships, and enhances whanau sense of self-worth and belonging.
This piece of research would not have been possible if it were not for help from various organisations, individuals, close friends, and family. Firstly, I would like to thank the encouraging and friendly team at Kaivolution for allowing me to collaborate with them in a piece of research that is of interest to both them, myself, and the needs of their community. I would also like to thank all the Kaivolution volunteers, community groups, and whanau who gave up their time and welcomed me into their home to share their stories with me. Your stories, learnings, and insights into food insecurity and food waste is what makes this piece of research.
I would also like to express my appreciation and gratitude for my supervisor Dr Mohi Rua. Dr Mohi Rua helped me refine and guide my research practice, think about my data more critically, and provide valuable feedback that helped me see the world from a variety of perspectives. Your frank but loving constructive feedback and advice helped me complete this thesis in a timely manner and develop a more holistic view of the world.
Another significant person in the creation of this piece of research was Jillene Bydder. I would like to thank Jillene Bydder for meeting with me in order to teach me how to format and structure my thesis. Your expertise and passion for presenting research in a tidy and reader friendly manner was very valuable.
I would also like to thank the Māori Psychology Research Unit for seeing the merit in this piece of research. Your financial assistance in the form of a scholarship really helped with the hidden costs of the research like stationary, printing, petrol, and laptop maintenance. I also relished the opportunity to present my research at the symposium and hear from other researchers who are also contributing meaningfully to their fields of interest.
Now to my family. The support, advice, and encouragement over the duration of my studies were what made this all possible. I thank my parents, brother, close friends, and wife for the physical, emotional, and spiritual support
and always making sure I had a roof over my head and food in my stomach to complete my studies. A huge thank you to my wife who cared for and looked after our son while I was away at university studying all hours of the day.
I also would like to express my gratitude to Bahá’u’lláh the Manifestation of God for today and the founder of the Baha’i Faith. If it were not for the Baha’i Faith I would not have access to the opportunity to continually develop a strong moral foundation, true sense of purpose, the ability to be open-minded, and a desire to seek knowledge all of which to be utilised to serve the interests of others.
“Let your vision be world-embracing, rather than confined to your own self.”
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements ... iii
Table of Contents ...v
List of Figures ... vii
List of Tables... viii
Chapter 1: Introduction and Literature Review ... 1
Poverty in Aotearoa ... 2
Poverty and Food Insecurity ... 7
The Socio-Cultural Importance of Food ... 9
Food Banks and Food Rescue Development ... 10
Food Waste and the Environment ... 13
The Environment and Health and Well-being... 16
Research Aims ... 19
Thesis Structure ... 19
Chapter 2: Methodology... 21
Researcher ... 21
Qualitative Methodology ... 22
Semi-Structured Interviews ... 24
Background to Kaivolution ... 25
Participants. ... 27
Recruitment. ... 29
Research process. ... 30
Data Analysis ... 32
Limitations of the Research ... 34
Ethical Considerations ... 34
Chapter 3: Key Findings from the Kaivolution Volunteers ... 37
Personal Motivation and Benefits ... 37
Change in Awareness/Consciousness of Social Issues ... 40
Change in Awareness/Consciousness of Environmental Issues ... 45
Environmentally Friendly Behaviour ... 47
Empowering and Disempowering Environments... 51
Environmental Impact and the Nature of Food Retailers ... 53
Government, Food rescue, and Community Groups ... 56
Chapter Summary ... 58
Chapter 4: Key Findings from Whanau and Community Groups ... 60
Colonisation ... 60
The Nature of Food Insecurity ... 64
The Benefits of Food Redistribution ... 72
Creating Community ... 79
Community Groups and Food Retailers... 83
Chapter Summary ... 85
Chapter 5: Conclusion... 87
References ... 91
Appendix A ... 99
Appendix B ... 102
Appendix C ... 104
Appendix D ... 107
Appendix E ... 109
Appendix F ... 111
Appendix G ... 114
List of Figures
Figure 1. Kaivolution- Reduce the foodprint ... 26
List of Tables
Table 1. Information on Participants ... 28
Chapter 1: Introduction and Literature Review
In Aotearoa today, both food insecurity and food waste are pressing issues. In response to food insecurity and food waste food rescue organisations like Kaivolution and community organisations have been set up to utilise perfectly good food that would otherwise be thrown out by food retailers in order to assist whanau experiencing food insecurity. This thesis will consider how Kaivolution’s food rescue services effect the volunteers at Kaivolution, community
organisations and the whanau they assist.
This chapter is split up into seven sections. Section 1 ‘Poverty in Aotearoa highlights the nature of poverty in Aotearoa and how various intersecting
phenomena effect its prevalence like colonisation. Section 2 ‘Poverty and Food Insecurity’ will explore food insecurity as one of the main consequences of poverty in Aotearoa. This section will highlight how prevalent food insecurity is in Aotearoa, some of the causes of food insecurity, and the various consequences often associated with food insecurity. Within this chapter food is shown to be more than just a means for physical sustenance, section 3 ‘The Socio-Cultural Importance of Food’ highlights this notion by exploring the social and cultural significance of food particularly for Māori. Section 4 ‘Food Banks and Food Rescue Development’ highlights how food banks and food rescue came about in response to food insecurity and poverty. This section highlights the difference between food banks and food rescue and how each has certain strengths and limitations. Some food rescue organisations like Kaivolution aim to minimize the environmental impact of food waste rather than solely addressing food
insecurity. Section 5 ‘Food Waste and the Environment’ addresses this aspect of food rescue and explores the financial cost of food waste both globally and in Aotearoa as well as how food waste negatively impacts the environment. Section 6 ‘The Environment and Health and Well-Being’ then highlights the connection between our environment and our health and wellbeing. The final section
‘Research aims’ will reiterate the focus and scope of this thesis, state the research aims, and provide a brief overview of the whole thesis.
Poverty in Aotearoa
Poverty in Aotearoa is a significant issue right now. Analysis of literature has shown that poverty is complex and not one definition or measurement can adequately describe the full scope of what poverty is. One current definition present in literature is that poverty can be split into two constructs; absolute and relative. As elaborated on by Hodgetts and Stolte (2017) absolute poverty refers to extreme poverty where the necessities needed for survival cannot be met.
Although this definition may be useful in some cases, it can also be problematic when applying to different contexts where the necessities of life may vary in cost and form. For example in colder localities heating, adequate clothing, and higher housing standards are more of a necessity compared to warmer places. Hodgetts and Stolte (2017) elaborate on another definition called relative poverty for this very reason. Relative poverty is usually calculated at the national level using the nations 60% median household income as a benchmark to determine how much of the population is receiving inadequate income. Although not a complete measure of hardship, relative poverty also provides some indication of income inequality within a given country. Income inequality are large differences between families/individuals income in a particular setting (Baron, 2017), the more dispersed the incomes are the more income inequality there is thus
impacting the median income which is the benchmark used to determine relative poverty. This illustrates that relative poverty could reveal insights into how other social conditions interact with poverty.
The absolute and relative definitions and measures of poverty place income at the centre of this phenomenon. Notions of relative poverty act as a catalyst to explore how constructs within both the micro and more importantly the macro level impact poverty like societal values, norms, and laws (Brady, 2009). Enabling poverty within New Zealand to be examined in a broader sense, acknowledges the influence culture, history, societal values, laws, and political systems have on poverty while also appreciating the individual factors like income, gender, ethnicity, and age. Through such a lens questions may arise like;
which families do not have sufficient resources? What opportunities are families missing out on? Which ethnic and cultural groups are missing out? Is
employment the solution? With definitions and measures of poverty that focus on income alone, it is all too easy to fall into the trap of conceptualizing poverty without incorporating the narratives of those facing the problems (Stephens, 2013). Stephens (2013) argues that defining and measuring poverty particularly within New Zealand could be placed into categories ranging from household types, age, number of children in each household, ethnicity, housing tenure, and workforce status. Doing so may uncover whether there is a correlation between these categories and poverty, allowing the true extent of poverty within New Zealand to be examined. Further exploration may also provide insights around poverty’s causes and consequences and how our current societal values, norms, and other contextual factors contribute to the issue.
Quantifying poverty and income disparity within New Zealand may provide further insights into poverty’s prevalence in our society. According to Perry (2017) poverty rates in New Zealand were at 15% of the New Zealand population in 2016, compared to 9% in 1984. According to Perry (2017) 15%
equates to 682,500 individuals living in poverty in New Zealand, with a third of these people or 220,000, being children. The makeup of this group living in poverty is not proportionate to the population’s ethnic demographic. Māori and Pacific populations are 2-3 times more likely to experience poverty and be living in a state of material deprivation and hardship compared to Pakeha and Other ethnic groups (Perry, 2009, 2015, 2017). Of the 220,000 children living in
poverty, 34% or 1 in 3 children, are of Māori and Pacific descent, however taking into account housing costs this number increases to 290,000 children, or 42%, which is one of the highest rates in the developed nations (Perry, 2017). There was also evidence to suggest that sole parents and beneficiary families are also overrepresented within these poverty statistics. Sole parents were shown to be four times more likely to experience material hardship and deprivation
compared to two-parent families, and beneficiary families were five times more
likely to experience material hardship than non-beneficiary families (Perry, 2009).
Another way of quantifying poverty within New Zealand is through the examination of ‘precariat’ statistics by Guy Standing (2011). The precariat is an emerging class of individuals who live precarious lives, share a sense that labour is instrumental to live, take what they can get in terms of employment and experience low job security. As a result those within the precariat are void of community, enterprise, and governmental benefits, often lack private earnings, and are not a part of an occupational community due to job insecurity. Standing (2011) goes further saying that being a precariat leads to feelings of alienation from others and uncertainty around income in the near future. Groot, Van Ommen, Masters-Awatere, and Tassell-Matamua (2017) explain that 606,000 New Zealander’s (or one third of the population) live within the precariat and struggle to meet their everyday needs. From this precariat population, half (303,000) live on $15,000 or less a year which many have expressed is
insufficient in meeting the needs of everyday life (Groot et al., 2017).Thus, just because some form of employment exists it does not equate to a poverty free life. Therefore should solving unemployment be the sole focus to alleviating poverty or is job security combined with adequate wages within the workplace more of a pressing issue? Further examination of the precariat group shows that in 2013 Māori over the age of 15 within the precariat totalled 120,500 which is 23% of the total Māori population (Groot et al., 2017). This highlights the overrepresentation of Māori in yet another statistic that is associated with low job security and income insecurity. From this precariat group of Māori most were found to be living in areas associated with high deprivation. The quantitative information mentioned paints a grim picture and shows that Māori, Pacific, and sole parents, with or without jobs are overrepresented in poverty statistics compared to other ethnic and social groups.
The causes for overrepresentation of Maori in poverty statistics can be attributed to an array of interconnected and intersecting phenomena, one very
pertinent to New Zealand is the process of colonisation. As theorised by Sotero (2006) colonisation is the domination of a group of people by another more powerful and is successful if the following elements are present;
physical/psychological violence, segregation/displacement, economic
deprivation, and cultural dispossession. Colonisation in Aotearoa has resulted in 200 years of deliberate separation and confiscation of Māori land from Māori.
Māori populations identity is interwoven with their connection to their land. And as a result Māori are able to express notions of culture, spirituality, and have a heightened sense of belonging (A. Durie, 1998; McNeill, 2017). Not only has land confiscation hindered Māori in this regard but it has also stopped Māori from utilizing the land for cultivation and gathering resources, thus losing their economic-base (Reid, Taylor-Moore, & Varona, 2014). Through colonisation Māori have lost the ability to share resources and capital with one another which was once a mode of operation between hapu (Reid et al., 2014). Two hundred years of land confiscation has dispossessed Māori of their culture, resulted in economic deprivation, stripped Māori of political power, and displaced Māori within their own country causing them to be in one of the most vulnerable positions in Aotearoa (Reid et al., 2014). The establishment of a now foreign society for Māori has meant that welfare systems, health sectors, educational institutes, and society as a whole are built upon the values of the early colonial government (King, Rua, & Hodgetts, 2017). Such values stem from neoliberalism which causes economies and societies to be founded upon a competitive and individualistic framework putting the wealth in the hands of a few, generally those who are in power (Hodgetts & Stolte, 2017). Thus minority groups in particular Māori are now forced to function within a societal structure that does not reflect or even appreciate their values and beliefs. In a recent survey 70% of Māori expressed that connection to their culture was important, 34% had visited their marae in the past 12 months, 55% speak some te reo, 84% connect with whanau not living with them on a monthly basis, and 66% feel the need for spirituality in their lives (Statistics New Zealand, 2013). These statistics show that Māori wellbeing goes beyond just material means and highlights the importance of connection to culture. It highlights the need for economic resourcing and
structural changes in a society that privileges Pakeha over non-Pakeha in order to allow Māori the autonomy to engage with their cultural practices.
The consequences often associated with poverty are serious, complex, and can be ongoing. In a colonised society like Aotearoa it is not surprising that some are better off than others, particular those who are indigenous, poverty exists and the consequences are pressing. This can be shown through a high representation of Māori and Pacific populations in poorer outcomes including;
health, employment status, income levels, and hardship rates (Marriott & Sim, 2015). Marriott and Sim (2015) constructed a report that draws on statistics in New Zealand to show the indicators for inequality of Māori and Pacific
populations. It shows that Māori have a 7 year lower life expectancy than non- Māori, Māori will more likely smoke cigarettes than Pakeha and Pacific
populations. It shows that both Māori and Pacific suffer from obesity, have lower incomes, attain a lower level of education, and are three times more likely to be unemployed compared to the rest of the population. Besides the physical effects, although related, of being overrepresented in poverty related statistics there is also a constant psycho-social impact, feelings of social exclusion, cultural disconnect, and racial discrimination that restrict Māori populations from
accessing all of life’s opportunities and navigating society as they see fit (Bécares, Cormack, & Harris, 2013), which is a prerequisite for being considered free from poverty (Boston & Chapple, 2014). All of these inequality indicators illustrate that the actions of the individuals cannot solely be attributed to their
overrepresentation in these statistics rather it is an intricately linked outcome of the effects colonisation has had and continues to have in Aotearoa (Hodgetts &
The outcomes of poverty effect many in Aotearoa. Government and other stakeholders with power need to move towards understanding and alleviating poverty. As mentioned by Hodgetts and Stolte (2017) change at governmental level often is enacted by those who control most of the wealth, however the most prominent mode of operation is that economic gain is prioritized over the
best interests of others. In order to reprioritize this, consciousness needs to be raised as to how human beings are; negatively impacting the environment, perpetuating negative outcomes of historical events like colonisation, shaping societal forces, creating political endeavours, and promoting spaces for cultural expression (Hodgetts, Stolte, Nikora, & Curtis, 2010). If this consciousness is raised and priorities shifted, government and other stakeholders with power will realize the influence they have on society and take collective responsibility for negative outcomes related to poverty (Hodgetts et al., 2010).
Poverty and Food Insecurity
One of the main impacts of poverty, relative to focus of this thesis, is food insecurity. Food insecurity is defined as limited or uncertain access to sufficient, readily available, nutritionally adequate, and safe food, or the inability to acquire such food in a socially acceptable way (Parnell & Gray, 2014; Regional Public Health, 2011). For people in the precariat, food insecurity is an outcome of insecure access to income and employment, thus access to food varies
depending upon employment status and all too often leaves people anxious as to whether they can afford their next week’s food bill (Standing, 2011). According to the Ministry of Health (2003), around 40% of the New Zealand population experienced food insecurity with half of this group only able to afford to eat properly “sometimes”, whilst the other half ran out of food due to a lack of available resources. A more in depth and recent look into the prevalence of food insecurity in New Zealand has revealed that certain populations have higher rates of food insecurity than others (University of Otago & Ministry of Health, 2011). The 2008/09 national survey for adult nutrition conducted by the University of Otago and Ministry of Health (2011) shows that 36% of Pakeha experience moderate to low forms of food insecurity compared to 64% of Māori and 74.7% of Pacific populations experiencing moderate to low forms of food insecurity. Research also found that Māori, Pacific, sole parents, and younger age groups experience food insecurity more often as a direct result of their low socioeconomic status (Carter, Lanumata, Kruse, & Gorton, 2010). Those
individuals who have low socioeconomic status often spend a higher percentage of their income on food and struggle to purchase the most nutritious option as it is often out of their price range (Regional Public Health, 2011). Thus, it is not surprising that the Regional Public Health (2011) found that Māori and Pacific have a high dependency on the cheaper and less nutritious food alternatives like fast-food chains, and other instant meals. These cheaper alternatives have been found to contribute to negative health outcomes like obesity, diabetes, heart disease, stroke, and many others (Ashakiran & Deepthi, 2012). Other researchers also support the role of socioeconomic factors to food insecurity, and claim that food insecurity is an outcome of an unequal society that favours Pakeha over non-Pakeha hindering Māori and Pacific populations from being food secure (Hodgetts & Stolte, 2017; Jackson & Graham, 2017; Regional Public Health, 2011).
The consequences of food insecurity impact many aspects of life according to Jackson and Graham (2017). Who explain that food insecurity is something experienced by the whole family and causes feelings of anxiety and stress for parents who cannot provide sufficient food for their children. For these families, food insecurity results in shame and worry for the parents as they may be viewed as inadequate or useless parents, but also social exclusion for the children, as they could not fully engage in all the normal things like shared lunches at school and communal eating (Jackson & Graham, 2017). Feelings of shame and worry are psychological stressors and contribute to negative mental health outcomes like anxiety and depression, the presence of such negative health outcomes have strong correlation to food insecurity (Carter, Kruse, Blakely, & Collings, 2011; Jones, 2017). Children who experience food insecurity are also shown to have behavioural issues like lashing out at teachers and their peers, which can also be attributed to teasing and bullying from being different and socially excluded (Olson, 1999). This then lends itself to school becoming a place children despise rather than a place of learning and making friends.
Jackson and Graham (2017) also found that those suffering from food insecurity were subject to stigma around not being able to feed your children and around
not being able to invite friends over because you do not have enough food to offer, further contributing to feelings of inadequacy, embarrassment, shame, social exclusion, and stress. Facing such stigmas will only make it harder for those facing food insecurity to reach out for help in a society embedded in these
stigma (King et al., 2017). This has been shown to be the case as experiences of food insecure individuals and families, in particular Māori and Pacific, when reaching out to government welfare agencies are often negative and disempowering (Hodgetts, Chamberlain, Groot, & Tankel, 2014).
As argued already, food insecurity can affect our interaction’s with society, our emotions, and mental state. Unsurprisingly, there are physical consequences of food insecurity. Poor nutrition causes a change in blood
pressure, iron levels, cholesterol, and body weight, adverse changes to these can cause a variety of health problems related to the cardiovascular and respiratory system (University of Otago & Ministry of Health, 2011). University of Otago and Ministry of Health (2011) showed that these health problems effect all parts of the body from fatigue, stress, pregnancy complications, heart disease, to the development of diabetes. The prevalence of Māori and Pacific populations in statistics related to low income and food insecurity also resemble their over- representation compared to non-Māori in lower life expectancy, disability, cardiovascular disease, cancer, respiratory disease, diabetes, infectious disease, suicide, oral health, mental health, infant health, and unintended injury (Marriott
& Sim, 2015; University of Otago & Ministry of Health, 2011) . It is evident that food insecurity is more often associated with low-income and poverty stricken populations, thereby contributing to negative health outcomes.
The Socio-Cultural Importance of Food
Food is significant beyond sustenance, and is often associated with culture, social relationships, and identity construction (Graham, Hodgetts, & Stolte, 2016). Food has socio-cultural significance, it allows for people to practice and connect to their cultural heritage, feel a sense of belonging, and continually form their sense of identity. These significant connections to food come from the preparation,
eating, sharing, and cooking of the food, it is a communal process (Graham et al., 2016). For example within traditional Māori communities kai is grown, gathered, and distributed within whanau, hapu and iwi, which solidified concepts of
manaakitanga (caring relationships through sharing) and enabled hapu and iwi to collaborate in order to be kaitiaki (guardians) of their environment (Wham, Maxted, Dyall, Teh, & Kerse, 2012). This communal and holistic food system facilitates the generation and continuity of Māori knowledge, identity, relationships, and a sense of belonging, beyond food as a simple item to be consumed (Wham et al., 2012). People who are food insecure are void of this opportunity to connect with traditional food systems, which can hinder ones social interactions with others, and result in social and cultural exclusion. Within Māori culture, food or ‘kai’ is more than just a means for physical sustenance but an indispensable part of cultural practice (Wham et al., 2012). As mentioned previously, for Māori the effects and consequences of colonisation now means they are overrepresented among the food insecure. Therefore the consequences of food insecurity for Māori go beyond the physical but prevent the ability to engage with cultural practices like the process of hangi, which is a well-known part of culture. This and the previous section highlights the physical, emotional, psycho-social, and cultural effects of food insecurity. In order to combat food insecurity, charitable organisations have set up practices to provide food for those in need. It is to this section I will now turn.
Food Banks and Food Rescue Development
Food banks, run by charitable organisations, have been providing food to those in need in New Zealand, Australia, Canada, and the United States of America for at least three decades (McIntyre, Tougas, Rondeau, & Mah, 2016). With
increasing numbers of people experiencing food insecurity in New Zealand, the demands on emergency food organisations is growing (Utter, Izumi, Denny, Fleming, & Clark, 2018). Food banks serve an important purpose and give food to those who are food insecure, the majority of whom are beneficiaries or low- wage earners (St. John, Wynd, & Child Poverty Action Group, 2008). According to
St John et al (2008), the users of food banks highlight the effects of unavoidable expenses like rent, transport, and other utilities which leave people with little disposable income to purchase basic needs like nutritional food, or purchasing cheaper, yet poorer-quality foods (St. John et al., 2008). Food banks are often used as a last resort for many families and even after allocated food parcels, families are still left with inadequate amounts of food (New Zealand Council of Christian Social Services, 2008). The New Zealand Council of Christian Social Services (2008) argue that access to food banks for some is difficult, food banks are often only open during the day which limits access for people and whanau who are at work. Also, food banks are often not situated next to every home therefore transport can be an issue for those without access to transport or who are housebound, due to illness or disability. Another barrier faced by food bank users is the fear of social stigmatization and feelings of shame, inadequacy, and humiliation (St. John et al., 2008). To combat this social marginalisation, Dalma et al. (2018) found that providing meals at schools for children, rather than
engaging families through Foodbanks or even food vouchers, resulted in less embarrassment and feelings of social stigma, whilst also raising the awareness of food insecurity within the school personnel. Although food banks act as an immediate solution to food insecurity they are limited in their ability to address long-term structural causes of food insecurity (Bazerghi, McKay, & Dunn, 2016;
Graham, Hodgetts, Stolte, & Chamberlain, 2018). Foodbanks are a short-term solution because they are unable to access large amounts of nutrient dense products like dairy, vegetables, and fruit (Bazerghi et al., 2016) and have difficulty providing perishable foods.
For instance, traditional food banks tend to deal mainly in non-perishable goods that could be stored and handled without the need for refrigeration.
However, food rescue organisations like Kaivolution in Hamilton, are able to collect fresh food and redistribute it quickly (Lindberg, Whelan, Lawrence, Gold,
& Friel, 2015), which enables them to provide more nutritious yet perishable food such as fresh fruit and vegetables (Mirosa, Mainvil, Horne, & Mangan- Walker, 2016). In response to the limitations of food banks, the notion of ‘food
rescue’ came about. It is a relatively new concept that has developed globally over the last decade as a response to the co-existing problems of unnecessary food waste and widespread food insecurity. One reason for the existence of excess food waste can be attributed to food retailers over production of food and poor food waste management (Facchini, Iacovidou, Gronow, & Voulvoulis, 2017). The production and waste of surplus food is proportionate to the lack of awareness of food insecurity, poverty, and the environmental impact of food waste (Midgley, 2014). This illustrates that food retailers are unaware that their food waste is connected to food insecurity, poverty, and environmental
wellbeing. Despite this, food rescue initiatives like Kaivolution seek to work alongside food retailers to turn food waste into a solution for food insecurity through redistributing surplus food to organisations who work alongside whānau in need (Kaivolution, 2018; Midgley, 2014).
Food rescue was made possible in New Zealand by the enactment of The Food Act 2014 which allows food donors to donate food in good faith, with limited risk of prosecution if someone gets sick from consuming their food (Mirosa et al., 2016). Similar legislation has been enacted in other countries including the United States of America, Canada, and Australia and is known as
“good Samaritan” legislations (Mirosa et al., 2016). Such legislation has allowed the food rescue industry to expand rapidly over the last decade in over 25 countries (Reynolds, Piantadosi, & Boland, 2015). In most major cities in New Zealand there is a food rescue initiative underway, Kaivolution in Hamilton, is one of the 14 food rescue groups listed by Love Food Hate Waste New Zealand (2017) who partner with local councils and government in order to minimize food waste.
Food rescue initiatives are part of a shift towards a community food security framework that brings social justice groups together with emergency food providers to seek a solution for food insecurity and food waste (Wakefield, Fleming, Klassen, & Skinner, 2013). Himmelheber (2014) argues that this
community approach has the potential to empower recipients of rescued food as they become part of the solution to unnecessary food waste. Food rescue also
takes on characteristics unique to ‘community mobilisation’, an approach that empowers stakeholders in the community like food retailers and Kaivolution, to encourage community engagement in responding to food insecurity while also reducing the impact of food waste on the environment (Kim, 2005).
A common criticism of food rescue and redistribution initiatives is that it discourages the government from addressing the structural causes of food insecurity which is a valid point. However, Mirosa et al. (2016), argues that food rescue and redistribution offers a positive short-term response to the current issues of food waste and food insecurity. It is not the role of Foodbanks to solve the structural problems that lead to food insecurity in the first place (Lindberg et al., 2015). Food rescue initiatives like Kaivolution are well aware of the structural causes of food insecurity and aim to raise awareness around such structural causes through collaboration with food retailers, community groups, and their own staff. Furthermore, Graham, Stolte, Hodgetts, and Chamberlain (2018) argue that some food rescue initiatives emphasis on nutrition ignores the complex realities faced by people living with food insecurity and the decisions that they need to make to meet their daily needs. They conclude that providing food that is enjoyable to eat, in a compassionate, warm, socially acceptable, and culturally sensitive way is more important than meeting strict dietary
requirements. Food rescue initiatives most obvious aim is providing food to the food insecure, however certain food rescue initiatives like Kaivolution aim to rescue food for the purpose of lowering food wastes environmental impact. The next section will address food wastes impact on the environment.
Food Waste and the Environment
The reduction of food waste from a social justice point of view, sits alongside the need to recognise the environmental issues of food waste. Gustavsson,
Cederberg, Sonesson, Van Otterdijk, and Meybeck (2011) produced an extensive report for the Food and Agricultural Organisation of the United Nations (FAO), which touches on the nature of food waste and what they refer to as a global food waste epidemic. Globally one third (33%) of the food produced for our
consumption is wasted, equating to approximately 1.3billion tonnes per annum.
This includes food wasted in both developed and developing countries both of which contribute between 600-700 million tonnes to this global approximate.
Conversion of this finding to a monetary value totals approximately $US 680 billion for developed countries and $US 310 billion in developing countries per annum. Of this food 30% is cereals, 50% are root crops, fruits and vegetables, 20% for oil seeds, 20% for meat and dairy, and 35% for fish. Although developed and developing countries have similar food waste weight totals they occur for very different reasons. In the report it states that developed countries waste most of their food in the post-harvest and processing stages. This is attributed to high product standards needed for sale, wasteful retail management, and
consumer behaviour. In developing countries most of the food wasted comes from the harvest and processing stage. This is attributed to the lower levels of harvesting equipment and technology, lack of adequate food storage, and less efficient harvesting skills compared to developed countries. This difference in food waste between developing and developed countries showed that the consumers of developing countries wasted 6-11kg of food per year per capita compared to 95-115kg per year per capita for developed countries. In response to this, developed nations have a higher number of environmental groups that run initiatives to lower food waste like Kaivolution.
A closer look into New Zealand’s contribution to these global statistics has revealed that both household and industry generated 327,000 tonnes of food waste in the year 2011 (Reynolds, Mirosa, & Clothier, 2016). This translates to a monetary value of $NZ 568 million for the food waste of 2011. Although Reynolds et al. (2015) found that comparatively New Zealand wastes less food per capita than other developed countries, considering the prevalence of poverty and food insecurity, much more could be done to further reduce food waste and distribute it to those in need.
The production of food involves the use of resources such as water, energy, land, chemicals, and materials (Tonini, Albizzati, & Astrup, 2018). Thus, such a loss of resources through food waste impacts on the environment through
its needless use of water, energy, land, and material for its production,
processing, harvesting, and consumption. The main burden on the environment associated with food waste is during the wasted food’s production and the land used (Tonini et al., 2018). Food waste in New Zealand in 2011 contributed to the generation and loss of 4.2x106 tonnes of carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions, 4.7x109 m3 of water, and 29x103 TJ of energy (Reynolds et al., 2016). These statistics do not incorporate a value for the area of land used for wasted food in New
Zealand, further insight into this may provide another angle to view the potential impacts and future benefits of reducing food waste in New Zealand.
Considering the monetary loss, CO2 generation, water loss, and energy cost expended as a result of food waste the cost on the environment is evident.
Another strand of thinking is through the exploitation of natural resources in order to produce food that could be produced at a lower environmental cost in other countries. Countries vary in climate and geographical makeup, thus different countries can support the production of different foods at lower
environmental costs, for example New Zealand has the ability to produce dairy at a lower environmental cost than other countries but cannot produce fruits and vegetables specific to tropical climates in the same way (Foster, Green, & Bleda, 2007). Foster et al. (2007) further supports this notion and explains that
collaboration, unified action, and creative alternatives need to be explored in order to allow countries to work together to produce and feed their countries in an environmentally sustainable way. For example, tomatoes need a lot of water to grow thus countries with a very low water supply should import them from other countries with more wet conditions at an accessible price. In order for this to work Foster et al. (2007) explains that countries must decide what must be locally produced and what must be globally imported in order to lower the impact on the environment. Thus a behavioural shift from putting economic benefit before environmental benefit is being asked of populations. This may seem like a utopian idea in a world governed by neoliberalism, but literature highlights that preventative measures needed to lower food waste and its impact on the environment must promote collaboration, collective action, and unified
vision across a variety of stakeholders in order to see this shift (Foster et al., 2007; Gustavsson et al., 2011). Food rescue is an effective way to engage many stakeholders and raise their consciousness around the environmental cost of food waste and a cost effective way to provide food to the food insecure (Reynolds et al., 2015). On the surface the impact food waste has on the
environment extends from CO2 emissions, to water wastage, to the abuse of our land to name a few. However as individuals who interact with the environment constantly, it is inevitable that we will be impacted in a variety of ways. The next section will highlight how our health and well-being is impacted by food waste’s impact on the environment.
The Environment and Health and Well-being
The environment and its impact on the health and well-being of individuals and communities are wide in scope indeed. From a scientific perspective, evidence suggests that the condition of our environment and the use of its resources directly impacts our health and well-being. For example through the waste of water, energy, and CO2 emissions access to fresh water, a decrease in energy availability, and air pollution become more apparent (Nelson & Prilleltensky, 2010). In turn, impacting the prevalence of disease, adequate consumption of safe water, the reduction of air quality, and the access to energy for healthy living (Nelson & Prilleltensky, 2010).
When I talk about health and well-being, I define it as “not merely the absence of disease or infirmity” (Misselbrook, 2014, p. 582) but a concept that allows for the “ability to pursue our life story without insurmountable
obstruction from illness” (Misselbrook, 2014, p. 582) and with full strength.
Māori health and well-being models for example, embody a holistic approach to health, which always involves the environment. Maori health models like Te Wheke (Pere, 1991) and Te Whare Tapa Wha (M. Durie, 1998) both illustrate that one’s social, emotional, spiritual, and physical wellbeing are all interlinked and connected to the physical world we live in. Similarly, the ecological model of human development and well-being also leaves room for the idea that the
interaction one has to their environment impacts other aspects of their lives (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Furthermore, the social sciences has a history of seeing the environment as an important part of one’s identity for example William James (1890) Theory of Self and Charles Horton Cooley (1902) Looking-Glass Self Theory both explain that we are organic with the environment. All too often health and well-being models are founded upon individualistic notions of an individual’s health, such a view fails to encapsulate the various other
determinants of health like our interaction with the environment, social support, income, substandard housing, and education to name a few (Cochran, 2017).
Thus, the spiritual and cultural connections one has with the environment and how this impacts on their wellbeing is also often not given due significance (Panelli & Tipa, 2007). A more in depth look into health and wellbeing and how this is connected to the environment is necessary in order to understand the indirect impact food waste has on an individual. Considering the context of my thesis to Aotearoa, I will be using literature specific to Māori as they are overrepresented in food insecurity and poor health outcomes, and value connection to the environment.
The Māori way of viewing and relating to the environment is through creation narratives where according to Māori, Papatūānuku (Mother earth), Ranginui (Father sky) and their children (gods) brought life as we know it into this world, thus everything within this world began from the same source including us as human beings (Johnson, 2013). That is human beings and the natural environment, are a direct result of Rangi and Papa, and humans in particular were a creation of Tane Mahuta. Based upon this narrative, Māori have direct whakapapa links to nga atua (Maori gods) and reflects the understanding that all life and natural resources like trees, rivers, wind, and the sun, are connected to the same life source, Rangi and Papa. This means that if we abuse the natural environment, like we do through the overproduction of food, we are essentially abusing ourselves as the natural environment and human beings share the same whakapapa through Rangi and Papa (Johnson, 2013).
For Māori, home is traditionally a place that is connected spiritually and physically to the natural environment (Jade Sophia Le & Virginia, 2016). Here these connections to the rivers, mountains, or other parts of the environment are drawn upon and used as a space to connect with one another, share knowledge, engage in cultural practice, transmit culture, and act as a sense of continuity from one generation to the next (Panelli & Tipa, 2007). They also provide an identity and a place of belonging for Māori (Wendy & Remana, 2011).
In order for this environmental connection to function values like kaitiakitanga must be viewed as significant. Kaitiakitanga is an important concept about environmental guardianship from a Maori perspective. Kaitiakitanga can be defined as the care and protection for the environment and natural resources (Wendy & Remana, 2011). Kaitiakitanga is about ensuring responses to environmental issues are approached in a culturally sensitive way in order to safeguard the environment for the next generation (Forster, 2013; Johnson, 2013). Kaitiakitanga acts as a guideline for how people should interact with the environment (Johnson, 2013).
In a world that prioritizes economic benefit over socio-cultural benefit the concept of kaitiakitanga can cause tension with economic imperatives which look to exploit resources for economic gain with little regard to the effects on the environment. For Maori however, kaitiakitanga provides a framework for considering the balance between economic benefits with the long term and sustainable care for the environment. Some literature suggests that in order for kaitiakitanga to be present and overcome these norms Māori knowledge and experiences must continually be advocated for and kept at the forefront of initiatives and policy related to the environment (Wendy & Remana, 2011).
Voices from a series of hui held around Aotearoa for small and large owners of land revealed that there needs to be more emphasis on achieving a balance between use of land for viable business whilst still maintaining cultural connection and preserving the environments well-being (Dewes, Walzl, &
Martin, 2011). Also voiced was the idea that we must exercise values associated with kaitiakitanga when managing our land, and that when land is handed down
from tipuna it should be held onto in order to allow connection with this land to continue for those who affiliate with it (Dewes et al., 2011).
Based on the literature thus far it is evident that the state of our
environment directly impacts on our health and wellbeing be it physical, cultural, or spiritual. Through analysis of Māori literature, we can see that for Māori the environment is interwoven into the fabric of their lives and identity and is intimately linked to their health and wellbeing. The models for health and wellbeing (Te Whare Tapa Wha, Te Wheke, and Bronfenbrenners Ecological Model) alongside Māori concepts like kaitiakitanga support this statement. In this regard the role that Kaivolution plays is an important one as it lowers the impact food waste has on the environment and promotes more environmentally sustainable practice among those they engage with.
Based on the literature, initiatives like Kaivolution helps address food insecurity which is one of the main impacts of poverty and a real issue in Aotearoa
particularly for Māori. Kaivolution also ensures that the environmental impact of food waste is minimized which promotes the physical, cultural, and spiritual wellbeing of Aotearoa and those who populate it. Therefore, my research has two objectives. Firstly, I will explore the role Kaivolution, as a food rescue
initiative, plays in minimizing food wastes impact on the environment. Secondly, I will also explore how Kaivolution redistributes rescued food to community organisations who serve those in need.
The remainder of this thesis will consist of a methodology chapter, and two chapters of key findings, followed by a conclusion chapter. The next chapter is titled ‘Methodology’ and starts by introducing the researcher, explaining and providing rationale as to why a qualitative method was used, and describing the specific qualitative tools used to gather the data eg. semi-structured interviews.
This is followed by background information about Kaivolution, an introduction of the participants, the recruitment process, and the data analysis procedure. The following chapter is titled ‘Key Findings from the Kaivolution Volunteers’. This chapter analyses and discusses the main findings from the data collected from three Kaivolution volunteers. The findings cover both the social and
environmental impact of Kaivolution’s food rescue and redistribution service through the lens of Kaivolution volunteers. This chapter will be followed by the
‘Key Findings from Whanau and Community Groups’. Due to the overlap and similarity of findings from community groups and whanau they were discussed within one chapter. These findings highlight the impact of colonisation, the nature of food insecurity, and the various benefits associated with the
community groups approach to food redistribution. The last chapter ‘Conclusion’
will bring together all the main findings of the thesis as one coherent whole.
Chapter 2: Methodology
This chapter will highlight the qualitative approach that was used in order to complete this research. The chapter will begin by explaining the researcher’s worldview, which will be followed by rationale as to why a qualitative approach to research was adopted. The chapter will also explain the specific type of
qualitative research used, the planning, recruitment of participants, nature of the participants, and the general research process. The chapter will conclude by describing the data analysis process and ethical considerations of the research.
Acknowledging that the researcher’s values, beliefs, and worldview effects the nature of any research is important. Therefore, understanding the researcher’s worldview will help understand how it may have influenced the outcomes and processes within this thesis.
I am 25 year old male, married and I have a 7 month old son. My father is Iranian and he left Iran to come to New Zealand as a refugee due to the religious persecution of Baha’i’s in Iran. My mother is Pakeha who was born and raised in Hamilton, New Zealand. I have a younger brother who like me was born and raised in New Zealand. As a member of the Baha’i Faith I have been exposed to teachings and acts of service in the community that allow me to understand the negative and positive forces at work within our society. As a Baha’i my aim is to use my faculties to contribute to the material and spiritual advancement of humankind. Through working alongside those who desire to see positive change I am continually developing my capacity to critically think about the world’s past, present and future circumstances. A lot weighs heavy on my conscience and I am constantly searching for new ways of contributing to the advancement of
humanity in all spheres of my life. Another opportunity to promote the best interests of those who are most vulnerable within New Zealand has arrived in the form of my master’s thesis.
Working alongside Kaivolution last year opened my eyes to a new way of contributing to environmental preservation whilst also collaborating with various community organisations in Hamilton. The amount of individuals and families in need of food within Hamilton is astonishing. Kaivolution enables many
organisations, who aim to promote the wellbeing of the marginalised, to reach more and more people.
I hope to live a coherent life free from contradictions in the sense that all parts of my life are interconnected and aim to contribute to the betterment of humankind. I have felt that collaborating with Kaivolution has and will lend itself to the development of a piece of research that is embedded in action and will enhance the functioning of Kaivolution and their recipient organisations as well as meeting the needs of people experiencing food insecurity, whilst reducing the impact of food waste on the environment. I feel passionate about this
opportunity and see it as the best use of my resources within academia.
As opposed to other forms of research methodology like scientific psychology and quantitative research in which variables are measured independent of their context, a qualitative approach to psychological research acknowledges the influence people, time, place, and context have on social factors (Yardley, 2017).
Due to the area of research and nature of the research questions I will consider, a qualitative approach that acknowledges the influential nature of contextual factors was advantageous. A qualitative approach to research allowed me to explore in depth and through narrative interviews, the ‘hows’ and ‘whys’ related to certain social issues and food waste (Dahlberg & McCaig, 2010). This enabled the knowledge shared to be context dependant (Yardley, 2017), which further shed insights into the deeper structural and socio-cultural influences around these issues (Dahlberg & McCaig, 2010). This approach also recognised that knowledge is influenced by our culture, language, perspectives, and worldview (Yardley, 2017). Therefore, an approach to research that allows the participant to
share their lived experiences, cultural values, and worldviews is crucial in being able to investigate such research questions.
Ethnography is one area of qualitative research and involves the study of social interactions, behaviours, and perceptions within particular groups (Reeves, Kuper, & Hodges, 2008). An ethnographic approach to qualitative research enables the research to explore certain “social phenomena, rather than setting out to test hypotheses about it” (Reeves et al., 2008). Due to the complex nature of food insecurity and food waste and the variety of stakeholders engaged to discuss these two broad areas an approach that enabled participants to share their own lived experiences was needed. An ethnographic approach ensured that I was able to collect a body of data that more accurately reflected the variety of experiences from the participants without setting preconceived categories prior to data collection or hypotheses that heavily influenced the way the research was conducted.
Another area of qualitative research is a narrative approach. This approach to research provides the researcher with a framework by which they can investigate human experience through their stories (Webster & Mertova, 2007). Such a framework implies that people organize their experiences into narratives told through stories, it also assumes that the stories told encompass ones past and present experiences, values, and beliefs (Moen, 2006). This approach to research views the participants as collaborators and co-creators of the research process and findings (Moen, 2006). Such an approach ensures that the participant is able to discuss their own experiences and share stories that are relevant and significant in relation to the research aims and objectives.
In order to explore the relevant research areas related to food insecurity and food waste in the time the research was to be completed, an approach to research that was aligned with the characteristics of ethnography and narrative research whilst also being structured was needed. The next section will address the specific qualitative tool adopted.
Semi-structured interviews often follow a series of open-ended questions that address the main areas of the research, but still allow for probing questions to be used at the researchers discretion in order to allow the participant to tell their story their own way with prompts from the researcher (Cohen & Crabtree, 2006;
Dahlberg & McCaig, 2010). Semi-structured interviews have various advantages, some of which this research benefitted from were in depth exploration,
sensitivity, low cost, and access to more participants (Dahlberg & McCaig, 2010).
The use of semi-structured interviews enabled more in-depth exploration of topics around food insecurity and food waste. It did so by enabling the participants to feel free to share what they felt was necessary by using open- ended questions around set topics. Due to the sensitive nature of issues around food insecurity like poverty, lower incomes, and potential stigma around
receiving ‘handouts’, participants needed to feel comfortable in order to share.
Semi-structured interviews allowed for this to occur through its flexibility. I was able to conduct an interview that could adjust to cater for the needs of the participants life narrative, whilst still addressing the main areas of the research.
This enabled rapport, trust, and confidence to be built between the researcher and participant making sensitive topics easily discussed and allowed our
conversations to flow according to the life narrative of my participants. The use of a semi-structure interview schedule meant probing questions could be used during the interviews to ensure participants elaborated on ideas relative to this research. I found that the flexible yet structured nature of this research approach catered for all the participants, the open-ended questions and probing questions that were used to guide discussion helped the participant and researcher have a genuine and comfortable conversation around the main areas of this research.
Prior to the interviews I prepared a set of open-ended questions (Appendix G) that would help guide discussions in a way that covered all the main areas of the research. Due to the unique nature of each conversation with the participants, the set of open-ended questions were left broad in order to allow for a range of topic areas to be covered during the interview.
Background to Kaivolution
In 1993 the Hamilton City Council formed the Hamilton Community
Environmental Programme in response to Hamilton’s increased desire to see positive change in the local environment (GoEco, 2018). Conscious of this growing desire in the community the Hamilton Community Environmental Programme channelled individual’s skills, talents, creativity, and energy to contribute positively to the environment, which in turn, gave rise to an increase in environmental groups and organisations in Hamilton. In 2002, the Hamilton Environment Centre Trust (HECT) was established with a focus on empowering and encouraging positive environmental action across Hamilton. In 2010 the HECT widened its focus to encompass the wider Waikato area and changed its name to Waikato Environment Centre Trust (WECT).
The Waikato Environment Centre Trust (WECT) have a range of activities including community education about environmentally sustainable practice and behaviours, an e-waste initiative that reuses and recycles second hand
electronics, a retail store that sells environmentally friendly products, and a food rescue initiative called Kaivolution.
There has been a subsequent name change, from Waikato Environment Centre Trust to GoEco. GoEco (2018) is a charitable trust and relies on funding from around 10 different sources to carry out their different initiatives. GoEco also relies heavily on volunteers for the functioning of their organisation and has a handful of paid staff who conduct administration, apply for funding, and ensure all initiatives are running effectively. GoEco’s (2018) mission is to be the voice for the environment, be a hub for learning, and enable positive change to occur whilst keeping community empowerment, inspiration, and integrity as central values to their work.
GoEco’s most well-known initiative is a not for profit food rescue initiative called Kaivolution (2018). Kaivolution works alongside food retailers and producers to ‘rescue food’ that is good enough to eat, but surplus to the food retailer’s requirement or not good enough to sell due to high selling
standards, like broken packaging, being too close to the best before date, or not looking presentable like ‘odd shaped fruit’. Kaivolution redistributes the ‘rescued food’ to a variety of Hamilton based community organisations that assist
individuals and families in need. Kaivolution has two goals; to protect the environment by reducing the amount of food waste that goes into landfills, and to redistribute surplus food to help feed people in the community who are in need. Food waste can be defined as edible food that has been thrown away or discarded due to the behaviour of the retailer or consumer, and usually occurs during the retail or final consumption stage (Gustavsson et al., 2011). Below is a pictorial representation of Kaivolution’s impact.
Figure 1. Kaivolution- Reduce the foodprint, by Kaivolution, 2017.
As shown in figure 1 both of Kaivolution’s goals are being met. Since its inception in 2014 figure 1 shows that they have prevented 350,066kg of food from going to landfill and redistribute it to 62 charities who work for individuals and families in need. Thus, not only is there an environmental impact of food rescue via a decrease in greenhouse gas emission and decreasing landfill usage, but there is also a social impact, whereby Kaivolution on average provide 15,000kg per month of rescued food to various community organisations who distribute to those in need.
In order to fulfil the research aims, I interviewed three of Kaivolution’s stakeholders. Exploring the research aims across a variety of Kaivolution’s stakeholder groups allowed this research to consider the environmental and social impact of Kaivolution’s food rescue and redistribution service.
The three stakeholders involved include:
1) Kaivolution volunteers- The volunteers rescue, pack, and redistribute the surplus food to the recipient organisations. Kaivolution relies heavily on volunteers to function. Thus, Kaivolution volunteers will shed light on how they perceive the environmental impact and what effect it has had on them. They will also be able to talk about whether their awareness of social issues like food insecurity has changed and how they think food rescue has served to aid in these issues.
2) Community groups - The community groups/organisations redistribute rescued food from Kaivolution to those who are experiencing food insecurity. Community organisations play an integral role in being able to analyse and identify the social impact Kaivolution’s rescued food has on recipient individuals and whanau. They are also able to share whether engagement with food rescue has influenced their organisations
engagement with Kaivolution’s environmental message of minimizing our environmental footprint.
3) Whanau- The whanau that are at the receiving end of the rescued food from Kaivolution through the community groups, may rely on, appreciate, and be positively impacted by this service. Thus, whanau will be able to shed light on the impact on their life. Although whanau who receive this food may not necessarily prioritize environmentally friendly options over meeting the necessities of life it is important for Kaivolution to know, whether the end users of the food, engage with their environmental message.
Due to ethical considerations and the promise of anonymity I did not gather in depth demographic information of my participants. However, the table below provides some information about the participants in order to help the reader follow the remainder of this research.
Information on Participants
Stakeholders Pseudonym Description
Alex Help collect, pack, and redistribute food to community groups Kahu
Community group 1 (CG1)
Provides daily community meals for anyone to attend
Community group 2 (CG2)
Distributes food parcels to whanau in their own neighbourhood Community group 3
Provides food parcels as part of their wrap around services to whanau in
Whanau The Moke whanau Receive rescued food from Community group 2 (CG2) in order
to feed their whanau The Rangi whanau
The Kani whanau
In order to gather the qualitative data needed to fulfil the research aims I
interviewed three Kaivolution volunteers, three representatives from community groups, and three whanau who receive the food. The recruitment process began by approaching Kaivolution and asking permission to distribute information sheet’s to Kaivolution volunteers (Appendix A). Once interest was expressed to participate in the study some Kaivolution volunteers contacted me directly through email whilst others sent their contact details to me via Kaivolution’s administrative staff. Once I made contact I arranged a time and place suitable to them for an interview to take place.
With the help of Kaivolution and my supervisor three community groups were chosen that best reflect the variety of Kaivolution’s clientele. However, due to the disproportionate representation of Māori in statistics related to food insecurity, community groups who work closely with Māori were preferable.
Upon selection of the community groups I composed a letter (Appendix B) for Kaivolution to send to the community groups explaining the purpose of the research and inviting them to participate via an interview with a representative from their organisation. Once these community groups responded, I was able to contact the representative from their organisation. This process ensured that initial contact was made by someone with an existing relationship. When contact was made with the representative from the community group I sent through an information sheet (Appendix C) and consent form (Appendix D) for them to read.
With those organisations and people who expressed interest in participating in my research, I arranged a time and place suitable for them to conduct a face-to- face interview.
In order to interview the whanau who, receive food from the community groups I sent or gave in person a letter (Appendix E) to the same community groups I had interviewed asking for access and assistance to approach the whanau assist. If the community group accepted I requested that they relay an information sheet (Appendix F) and consent form (Appendix D) to their clientele
to gauge interest in participation. Interested clientele were contacted via phone, email, or an in person visit in order to arrange a time and place suitable for an interview. All three of the individuals and whanau who I interviewed were recruited through one community group as the others were unable to put me in contact with members of their community.
Either on the day or the day before the interview I contacted the participants via email, text, or call to make sure that they were still available and happy to participate. Some participants found this useful as they had forgotten and others appreciated chatting some more about the research. Prior to the interview day I also printed off an information sheet and consent form to take to the interviews.
Although I had already sent these forms via email I took some extras along just in case they had not read or printed off the consent form. Some participants
utilised the consent form I had taken, whilst others printed their own. Some participants also took the information sheet and re-read it prior to the interview commencing.
Upon arrival at the interview location I made sure to introduce myself and had small talk in order to break the ice. Before the interview commenced, I made sure that the participants fully understood the nature of the research and research process. I did this by ensuring they understood the information sheet and had thoroughly read the consent form. After introductions, small talk, going over the information sheet if they had not previously, signing the consent form, and asking if they had any further questions I asked if it would be ok for me to record the interview. I requested to digitally record the interview as this would allow me to be fully engaged in the conversation without taking notes. Digital recording also enabled me to actively listen and be better equipped to construct probing questions that built on what the participant was saying. During one of the interviews I knew the recording was going to be difficult to transcribe as the interview was conducted in a noisy space with several people. Immediately after